Should People Who Don’t Take Good Care of Themselves Pay More for Health Insurance?

When healthcare reformers talk about making health insurance fair, some suggest that people who don’t take care of themselves really shouldn’t expect the rest of us to pay for their folly. They point to a study published in 2002 showing that, each year, the average smoker needs an extra $230 worth of inpatient and ambulatory care. “Problem drinkers” require an additional $150; obesity adds $395 to the annual bill, while simply being overweight costs an average of $125 a year. (According to researchers about one in three Americans are overweight while in one in five is obese).

Asking those who puruse less-than-healthy lifestyles to pay higher healthcare premiums seems, on the face of it, a simple matter of equity. But one needs to ask: what will be the effect? And where do we draw the  line?

 

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Screening for Prostate Cancer: Before Medicare Pays, Patients Need to Know More About Risks

Roughly two-thirds of all men on Medicare are screened for prostate cancer. Most feel they have no choice. After all, this year more than 27,000 American men are likely to die of the disease. When men are asked about their fear of cancer, a survey from the Harvard Risk Management Foundation reveals that prostate ranks at the top of the list. Colon cancer, which kills roughly as many men in the U.S. each year, ranks number seven. There is something about prostate cancer that pushes buttons. No wonder so many men sign up for the “PSA” test which measures levels of prostate-specific antigen in the blood.
But the truth is that current research offers no proof that widespread screening and early diagnosis saves lives. What we do know is that patients who are tested and treated may suffer life-changing side effects that outweigh the uncertain benefits of early detection.

In June the National Cancer Institute made its position clear: “Screening tests are able to detect prostate cancer at an early stage, but it is not clear whether this earlier detection and consequent earlier treatment leads to any change in the natural history and outcome of the disease.” The U.S. Preventive Services Task Force agrees.

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UnitedHealth Care vs. the Kids

Wednesday night, the House voted 225–209 to pass a bill that would, in the words of a Wall Street Journal editorial, “steal nearly $50 billion from Medicare Advantage, the innovative attempt to bring private competition to senior health care” in order to beef up the State Children’s Health Insurance Program (SCHIP), a program that delivers health care to poor children.

SCHIP is scheduled to expire September 30; the House bill would renew the program while expanding it to include another 5.1 million children at a cost of an extra $50 billion over five years. The bill’s backers propose to fund the legislation by increasing the federal cigarette tax by 45 cents while simultaneously paring the premium that Medicare pays private insurers who provide Medicare to seniors. The goal of the bill, reformers say, is to ensure that all children in the United States have health insurance. The Wall Street Journal’s editors see things otherwise: “Democrats apparently want to starve any private option for Medicare,” the editorial concluded.

Rupert Murdoch hasn’t yet weighed in, so I decided to take a look at the proposal. Would the legislation really make it impossible for private sector insurers to continue to offer needed benefits to seniors?
I began by looking at insurers’ finances only to discover that the health care insurance industry is, in fact, facing rough weather ahead. While the cost of providing health care continues to climb, more and more employers are backing away from providing health care benefits for their employees. Others are raising premiums and co-pays to a point that some workers can’t afford to participate in the plans. This means that insurers are losing customers.

As a result, one might expect that insurers’ profits would be falling. One would be wrong

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Wall Street, Cancer and the FDA: A Cautionary Tale

Only in America do physicians who evaluate new drugs need bodyguards. You may have read about the brouhaha surrounding Provenge, a vaccine designed to extend the lives of men suffering from late-stage prostate cancer. In March, a Food and Drug Administration (FDA) advisory panel voted 13 to 4 to recommend approval. The next day, shares of Dendreon, the drug’s sponsor, doubled. But shareholders did not celebrate for long. Two of the dissenting votes were cast by the panel’s two prostate cancer specialists: Sloan-Kettering’s Howard Scher and the University of Michigan’s Maha Hussain. And they did not just vote “no”—following the hearing, both wrote to the FDA arguing that Dendreon offered no solid evidence that Provenge works.
   
The FDA listened. And in May it told the company it wouldn’t approve the drug until it had more data. That is when the two oncologists began receiving threatening e-mails, phone calls, and letters. Many were anonymous

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